LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 

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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



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GOL R. G. INGERSGLL'S LEGTURES. 



Grea.t Political Speech at CooTper Institute, New York, 
October 23, 1880. 




Copyright, 1880, by L. W. Blaisdeli; Chicago, 



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Published for the Trade. 



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C3-K.EA.T ISSXJES OF THE TIliIE. 



Colonel Ingersoll at Cooper Union Oct. 23, 1880. 



A Brilliant and Comprehensive Address that Reviewed all the great 
Questions of the Campaign — Honest Money, 
State Sovereignty and Pro- 
tection of Labor. 



Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll made one of 
his most eloquent and impressive addresses 
last evening before an immense audience in 
the Cooper Institute. The thousands who 
heard him were stirred as few other ora- 
tors in the country have power to stir 
their hearers. Almost every sentence was 
interrupted or rounded with applause or 
laughter. The speech was crammed with 
good things — sharp hits, lively sallies, rich 
humor and glowing wit, and with appeals of 
a high order of eloquence. All the great 
questions of the campaign were considered. 
The orator first took up the suppression of 
free speech in the South ; then he spoke of 
the importance of an honest ballot ; the hon- 
est collection of the public revenues was 
then touched upon ; the currency was next 
considered ; the doctrine of State Sovereign- 
ity was riddled ; the duty of the Government 
to protect every citizen was upheld ; the 
importance of the protection of labor was 
presented, and in conclusion the claims of 
the candidates of the two parties to public 
support were reviewed in a masterly manner. 



THE AUDIENCE AND THE SPEAKER. 

The spaces around the Cooper Union were 
filled shortly after 6 o'clock last evening by 
great crowds of people who had hurried 
through their dinners to get seats to hear 
Colonel Ingersoll. Police Captain McCul- 
lagh was duly at his post with fifty patrolmen. 
He has had an extensive experience at Coop- 
er Union meetings, but never, he was heard 
to say, had he seen so large and enthusiastic 
*n assemblage as that of last night. At 6:46 



the doors were opened and a rush was made. 
Pushing by the policemen on duty, the fore- 
most among the throng entered the corridor. 
The others pressing on from behind, they 
were carried as if on a huge breaker to the 
very doors of the hall at the bottom of the 
stone staircases. The police, however, soon 
regained the mastery, and occupying the 
inner doors, controlled the general entry, 
which took place with very good order. 
Ladies were shown the greatest politeness, 
the best places being surrendered to them, 
even by the most ardent male admirers of the 
orator. In less than twenty five minutse, 
there was neither sitting nor standing room 
left. Every square foot — one might almost 
say every square inch — of the immense hall 
had its occupant. Over 3,500 persons found 
room during the evening, and supported the 
numerous inconvenience of the situation with 
a fortitude only equalled by their enthusias- 
iasm. But this number does not represen^t 
by half the mass of citizens who left their 
homes to hear Colonel Ingersoll. Fully 
5,000 people were turned from the doork. 
Many of these persisted in remaining in tijie 
corridors, on the steps, and even out on tljie 
pavement, during a large part of the evening, 
in the futile hope that the departure of in- 
mates of the hall would give them an op- 
portunity of hearing the address, I 

Among those present were Collector Mer. 
ritt, Hugh Gardner, Edmund Stephens(?»n, 
Samuel Wood, George A, Street, M. !N. 
Heckscher, F. B. Thurber, E. R. Peck, .tt. 
S. Hart, James Seligman, Joseph Height, 
Hugh N. Camp, and D, Duncan Vail. 

Shortly after 7 o'clock Joseph Height 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



called the meeting to order, and the IngeraoU 
Chicago Campaign Glee Club ai)peared on 
the platform. This club is compossd of four 
men wlio hare accompauied Colonel IngersoU 
throughout his campaign tour. Their songs 
were much applauded. At half ])ast 7 pre- 
cisely the handsome, though somewhat cor- 
pulent, figure of Colonel IngersoU was seen 
8trug>.;lin<i through the masses filling the 
background of the platform. The Colonel, 
who ^seemed as fresh and hearty as ever, in 
spite of his recent campaign experience, was 
accompanied by his wife and his daughter. 
His appearance called forth thunders of 
applause, which did not die away until seve 
ral minutes had elapsed. These demonstra- 
tions elicited an acknowledgment from the 
Colonel which took the form of a bow, a 
slight wave of the hand and a quaint expres- 
sion of countenance peculiar to the man. Mr. 
Camp arose and introduced him as the spea- 
ker for the evening. Another cheer and 
then all was quiet. It is needless to 
say that almost every utterance had its ac- 
companiment of applause. At one moment 
the orator convulsed his bearers with laughs 
ter, while another he drew tears into their 
eyes — and into those of men as well as wo- 
men. His upholding of free speech which 
he considered a vital issue in the present 
campaign, his advocacy of honest money, hi- 
attack on free trade, and in fact all the fea- 
tures of his powerful speech impressed his 
hearers deeply. 

COLONEL INGERSOLL'S SPEECH. 
Ladies and Gentlemen : Years ago I made 
up my mind that there was no particular ar- 
gument in slander. Applause. I made up 
my mind that for parties as well as for indivi- 
duals, honesty in the long run is the best po, 
lidy. Applause. I made up my mind tha 
^ peole were entitled to know a man's hO| 
t thoughts, and I propose to-night to tel 
1 exactly what I think. Applause. And 
it 1 nay be well enough, in the first place, for 
to say that no party has a mortgage on 
Applause. I am the sole propietor of 
self. Laughter and applause. No party, 
no 'organization, has any deed of trust on 
whiit Tittle brains I have, and as long as I can 
get! my iiart of the common air I am going to 
tell] my honest thoughts. Applause. One 
matJ in the right will finally get to be a man- 
joriiy. Laughter. I am not going to say 
awdrd to-night that every Democrat here 
wilMnot know is true, anb whatever he may 



tht 



yo 



mt 

me. 

mj 



say with his mouth, I will compel him in his 

heart to give three cheers Applause. 

In the first place, I wish to admit that 
during the war there were hundreds of thou- 
sands of patriotic Democrats. I wish to ad- 
mit that if it had not been for the War De- 
mocrats of the North, we never would have 
put down thn rebellion. Applause. Let us 
be honest. I further admit that had it not 
been for other than War Democrats there 
never would have been a"rebellion to put 
down. Great applause. War Domocrats! 
Why did we call them War Democrats? Did 
you ever hear anybody talk about a war Re- 
publican? We spoke of War Democrats to 
distinguish them from those Democrats who 
were in favor of peace upon any terms. 

I also wish to admit that the Republican 
party is not absolutely perfect. Laughter. 
While I believe that it is the best party, that 
ever existed [applause] while I believe it has 
within its organization, more heart, more 
brain, more patriotism than any othej organi- 
sation that ever existed beneath the sun, 1 
still admit that it is not entirely perfect. I 
admit, in its great things, in its splendid ef- 
forts to preserve their nation, in its grand ef- 
fort to keep our flag in heaven, in its mag- 
nificent effort to free four millions of slaves 
[applause], in its great and sublime efforts to 
save the financial lionor of this Nation, I ad- 
mit that it has made some mistakes. In its 
f/reat effort to do right it has sometimes by 
mistake done wrong. And I also wish to 
admit that the great Democratic party, in 
its effort to get oiBce, has sometimes by 
mistake done right. Laughter. You see 
that I am inclined to be perfectly fair. Ap- 
plause and laughter. 

I am going with the Republican party be- 
cfiuse it is going my way; but if it ever turns 
to the right or left, I intend to go straight 
ahead. 

In every government there is something 
that ought to be preserved; in every govern- 
ment there are many things that ought to be 
destroyed. Every good man, every patriot, 
every lever of the human race, wishes to pre- 
serve the good and destroy the bad; and eve- 
ry one in this audience who wishes to pre- 
serve the good, will go with that section of 
our common country — with that party in our 
country that he honestly believes will pre- 
serve the good and destroy the bad. Ap- 
plause. It takes a great deal of 
trouble to raise a good Republican. 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



Langbter. It is a vast deal 

of labor. The reyjublican party is the fruit of 
all ages — of self-sacrifice and devotion. Ap- 
plause. The republican party is born of every 
good thiu>r that was ever done in this world. Ap- 
plause. The republican parly is the result of 
all martyrdom, of all heroic bloodshed for the 
right. It is the blossom and fruit of the great 
■world's best endeavor. Applause. In order to 
make a Republican you have got to have school- 
houses. Applause. You have got to have newspa- 
pers and magazines. Ap'^lause. A goodRepubli- 
can is the best fruit of civilization, ot'all there is 
of inttlliirence, of art, of music and of song. Ap- 
plause, if you want to make Democrats let 
them alone. Laughter. The Democratic party 
is the settlings of this country. Laughter. No- 
body hoes weeds. Nobody takes especial pains 
to raise dog fennel, and yet it grows under the 
very hoof of travel. The seeds are sown by ac- 
cident and gathered by chance. But if you 
want to raise wheat and corn you must plough 
the ground. You must defend and you must 
harvest the crop with iufluite patience and toil. 
It is precisely that way — if you want to raise a 
good Republican you must work. If you wish 
to raise a Uemocrat give him wholesome neg- 
lect. Laughter. The Democratic party flatters 
the vices of mankind. That party says to the 
ignorant man, "you know enough." It says to 
the vicious man, "you are good enough." 

The Republican party says, "you must bebet- 
ter next year than you are this." A man is a 
Republican because he loves something. Most 
men are Democrats because they hate some- 
thing. A Republican takes a man, as it were, 
by the collar and says, "you must do your best, 
you must climb the infinite hill of human pro- 
gress as long as you live." Now and then one 
gets tired. He says, "I have climbed enough, 
and so much better than I expected to do that 
I don't wish to travel any further. Now and 
then one gets tired and lets go all hold, and he 
rolls down to the very bottom, and as he strikes 
the mud he springs upon his feet transfigured, 
and says: "Hurrah for Hancock." Great laugh- 
ter. 

NO FREE SPEECH IN THE SOUTH. 
There are things in this Government that I 
wish to preserve, and there are things that I 
wish to destroy; and in order to convince you 
that you ought to go the way that I am going, 
it is only fair that I give you my reasons. This 
is a Republic founded upon intelligence and the 
patriotism of the people, and in every Republic 
it is absolutely necessary that there should be 
free speech. — "Good,'' "good," and applause. 
Free speech is the gem of the human soul. Words 
are the bodies of thought, and liberty gives to 
those words wings, and the whole intellectual 
heavens are filled with thought. Applause. In 
a Republic every individual tongue has right to 
the general ear. In a Republic every man has 
the right to give his reasons for the course he 
pursues to all his fellow-citizens, and when you 
say that a man shall not speak, you also say 
that others shall not hear. When you say a 
man shall not express his honest thought you 
Bay his fellow-citizens shall be deprived of hon- 
est thoughts; for of what use is it to allow the 



attorney for the defendant to address the jury 
if the jury has been bought? Of what use is it to 
allow the jury, if they bring in a verdict of "not 
guilty, " if the defeudant is to be hung by a mob? 
I ask you to-night, is not every solitary maa 
here in favor of free speech? Is there a solitary 
Democrat here who dares say he is not in favor 
of fiee speech? In what part of the country are 
the lips of thought free— in the South or in the 
North? What section of our country can you 
trust the inestimable gem of free speech with? 
Can you trust it to the gentlemen of Mississippi 
or to the gentlemen of Massachusetts? Can you 
trust it to Alabama or to New York? Can you 
trust it to the South or can you trust it to the 
great and splendid North? Honor bright (laugh- 
ter.) honor bright, is there any freedom of speeck 
in the South? There never was and there is none 
to-night -and let me tell you why. 

They had the institution of human slavery ia 
the South, which could not be defended at the 
bar of public reason. It was an institution that 
could not be defended in the high forum of hu- 
man conscience. No man could stand there 
and defend the right too rob the cradle— none 
to defend the right to sell the babe from the 
breast of the agonized mother — none to defend 
the claim that lashes on a bare back are a legal- 
tender for labor performed. Every man that 
lived upon the unpaid labor of another knew ia 
his heart that he was a thief. [Applause.] And 
for that reason he did not wish to discuss that 
question. Laughter. Thereupon the institution 
of slavery said, "You shall not speak; you shall 
not reason," and the lips of free thought were 
manacled. You know it. Every one of you. 
Laughter. Every Democrat knows it as well as 
every Repulican. There never was free speech 
in the south. 

And what has been the result? And allow me 
to admit right here, because I want to be fair, 
there are thousands and thousands of most ex- 
cellent people in the South — thousands of them. 
There are hundreds and hundreds of thousands 
there who would like to vote the Republican 
ticket. Applause. And whenever there is free 
speech there and whenever there is a free ballot 
there, thej' will vote the Republican ticket. 
Great Applause. I say again, there are hund- 
reds of thousands of good people in the South; 
but the institution of human slavery prevented 
free speech, and it is a splendid fact in nature 
that you cannot put chains upon the limbs of 
others without putting corresponding manacles 
upon your own brain. Applause. When the 
South enslaved the negro, it also enslaved itself 
and the result was an intellectual desert. No 
book has been produced, with one exception, 
that has added to the knowledge of mankind; 
no paper, no magizine, no poet, no philosopher, 
no philanthropist, was ever raised in that desert. 
Great Applause. Now and then some one pro- 
tested against that infamous institution, and he 
came as near being a philosopher as the society 
in which he lived permitted. Laughter. Why 
is it that New-England, a rock-clad land, blos- 
soms-like a rose? Why is it that New- York is 
the Empire State of the great Union? I will 
tell you. Because you have been permitted 
to trade in ideas. Because the lips of speech 



Fr6e Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



have been absolutely free for twenty years. 
We never had free speech in any State in this 
Union until the Republican party was born. 
Applause. That party was rocked in the cradle 
of intellectual liberty, and that is the reason I 
say it is the best party that ever existed in the 
wide, wide world. Applause. I want to pre- 
serve free speech, and, as an honest man, I look 
about me: "How can I best preserve it?"' By 
giving it to the South or North; to the Demo- 
cracy or the Republican party. And I am bound, 
as an honest man, to say free speech is safest 
with the earliest defenders. Applause. Where 
is there such a thing as a Republican mob to 
prevent the expression of an honest thought; 
where? The people of the South are allowed 
to come to the North; they are allowed to ex- 
press their sentiments upon every stump in the 
great East, the great West and the great Middle 
States; they go to Maine, to Vermont, and to all 
our States, and they are allowed to speak, and 
we give them a respectful hearing, and the 
meanest thing we do is to answer their argu- 
ment. Applause. 

I say to-night that we ought to have the same 
liberty to discuss these questions in the South 
that Southerners have in the North. And I say 
more than that, the Democrats of the North 
ought to compel the Democrats of the South to 
treat the Republicans of the South as well as 
the Republicans of the North treat them. Ap- 
plause. We treat the Democrats well in the 
North (laughter); we treat them like gentlemen 
in the North; and yet they go in partnership 
with the Democracy of the South, knowing that 
the Democracy of the South will not treat 
Republicans in that section with fairness. A 
Democrat ought to be ashamed of that. If my 
friends will not treat other people as well as the 
friends of the other people treat me, I'll swap 
friends. (Applause and laughter.) 

First, then, I am in favor of free speech, and 
I am going with that section of my country that 
believes in free speech; I am going with that 
party that has always upheld that sacred right. 
When you stop free speech, when you say that 
a thought shall die in the womb of the brain,— 
why, it would have the same effect upon the in- 
tellectual world that to stop springs at their sour- 
ces would have upon the physical world. Stop 
the springs at their sources and they cease to 
gurgle, the streams cease to murmur, and the 
great rivers cease rushing to the embrace of the 
sea. So you stop thought. Stop thought in 
the brain in which it is born, and theory dies; 
and the great ocean of knowledge to which all 
Bbould be permitted to contribute, and from 
which all should be allowed to draw, becomes a 
vast desert of ignorance. Applause. 

1 have alwa3's said; and I say again, that the 
more liberty there is given away, the more you 
have. There is room in this Avorld for us all; 
there is room enough for all of our thoughts; 
out upon the intellectual sea there is room for 
every sail, and in the intellectual air there is space 
for every wing. Applause. A man that exer- 
ciscB a right that he will not give to others is a 
barbarian. A State that does not allow free 
speech is uncivilized, and is a disgrace to the 
American Union. Applause. 



THE PARTY OF AN HONEST BALLOT. 

I am not only in favor of free speech, but I am 
also in favor of an absolutely hone-^t ballot. 
There is one king in this country; there is one 
emperor; there is one supreme Czar; and that 
is the legally expressed will of a majority of the 
people. Applau^je. The man who casts an illegal 
vote, the man who refuses to count a legal vote, 
poisons the fountain of power, poisons the 
spring of justice, and is a traitor to the only 
king in this land. The Government is upon the 
edge of Mexicanization'^hrough fraudulent vot- 
ing. The ballot-box is tiJe throne of America; 
the ballot-box is the ark of the covenant. Un- 
less we see to it that every man who has a right 
to vote votes, and unless we see to it that every 
honest vote is counted, the days of this Republic 
are numbered. 

When you suspect that a Congressman is not 
elected; when you suspect that a judge upon 
the bench holds his place by fraud, then the 
people will hold the law in contempt and will 
laugh at the decisions of courts, and then come 
revolution and chaos. It is the duty of every 
good man to see to it that the ballot-box is kept 
absolutely pure. It is the duty of every patriot 
whether he is a Democrat or Republican— andl 
want to further admit that I believe a large ma- 
jority of Democrats are honest in their opinions, 
and I know that all Republicans must be honest 
in their opinions. Applause. It is the duty, 
then of all honest men of both parties to see to 
it that only honest votes are cast and counted. 
Now, honor bright, which section of this Union 
can you trust the b;illot-box with ? Honor bright, 
can you trust it with the masked murderers who 
rode in the darkness of night to the hut of the 
freedman and shot him down, not withstanding 
the supplication of his wife and the tears of his 
babe? Can you trust it to the men who since the 
close of our war have killed more men, simply 
because those men wished to vote, simply 
because tiles'^ wished to be exercise a right with 
which they had been clothed by the sublime 
heroism of the North— who have killed more 
menthen were killed on both sides during the 
Warof 1812; than were killed on both sides in 
both wars? Can you trust them? Can you 
trust the gentlemen who invented the tissue- 
ballot? Laughter. Do you wish to put the 
ballotbox in the keeping of the shot-gun, of the 
White Liners, of the Ku Klux? Do you wish 
to put the ballot-box in the keeping of men who 
openly swear that they will not be ruled by a 
majority of American citizens if a portion of 
that majority is made of black men? Applause. 
And I want to tell you right here. I like a 
black man who loves this country better than I 
do a white man who hates it. Applause. I 
think more of a black man who fought for our flag 
than for any white man who endeavored to tear 
it out of heaven! Applause. I like black friends 
better than white enemies. Applause. And I 
think more of a man black outside and white in- 
side than I do of one white outside and black in- 
side. Applause. 

I say, can you trust the ballot-box to the De- 
mocratic party? Read the history of the State 
of New- York! Read the history of this great and 



free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



magnificent city— the Queen of the Atlantic- 
read her history and tell us whether you can im- 
plicitly trust Democratic returns? Laughter. 
Honor bright! Laughter. 

I am not only, then, for free speech, but I am 
for an honest ballot; and in order that you may 
have no doubt left upon your mind as to which 
party is in favor of an honest vote I will call 
your attention to this striking fact. Every law 
that has been passed in every State of this Un- 
ion for twenty long years, the object of which 
was to guard the American ballot-box, has been 
passed by the Republican parry (applause), and 
in every State where the Republican party has 
introduced such a bill for the purpose of mak- 
ing it a law; in every State wheie such a bill 
has been defeated it has been ciefeated by the 
Democratic party. Applau.se. That ought to 
satisfy any reasonable man to satiety. 

WHO SHALL COLLECT THE REVENUE! 

I am not only in favor of free f<peech and an 
honest ballot, but I am in favor of collecting 
and disbursing the revenues of the United 
States. I want plenty of money to collect and 
pay the interest on our debt. I want plenty of 
money to pay our debt and to preserve the fi- 
nancial honor of the United States. Applause. 
^I want money enough to be collected to pay 
pensions to widows and orphans and to wound- 
ed soldiers. Applause. And the question is what 
section in this country can you trust to collect 
and disburse that revenue. Let us be honest 
about it. Laughter. What section canyon trust/, 
In the last four years we have collected $467,00U 
of the internal revenue taxes. We have collected 
principally from taxes upon high wines and to- 
bacco, $468,00U,00U, and in those four years we 
have seized, libelled and destroyed in the South- 
ern States 3,874 illicit distilleries. And during 
the same time the Southern people have shot to 
death twenty-five revenue officers and wounded 
fifty-five others, and the only offence that the 
wounded dead committed was an honest effort 
to collect the revenues of this country. Ap- 
plause. Recollect it— don't you forget it. Laugh- 
ter. And in several Southern States to-day 
every revenue collecter or officer connected with 
the revenue is furnished by the Internal Revenue 
Department with a breech-loadiug rifle and a 
pair of revolvers, simjily for the purpose of col- 
lecting the revenue. I don't feel like trusting 
such people to collect the revenue of my Gov- 
ernment. 

During the same four years we have arrested 
and have indicted 7,084 Southern Democrats for 
endeavoring to defraud the revenue of the Unit- 
ed States. Recollect— 3,874 distilleries seized, 
25 revenue officers killed, 55 wounded, and 7,U84 
Democrats arrested. Applause. Can we trust 
them? 

The State of Alabama in its last Democratic Con- 
▼ention passed a resolution that no man should 
be tried in a Federal Court for a violation of 
the revenue law— that he should be tried in a 
State Court. Laughter. Think of it— he should 
be tried in a State Curt! Let me tell you how it 
■Will come out if we trust the Southern States to 
collect this revenue. A couple of Methodist 
ministers had been holding a revival for a weeks 



one said to the other that he thought it time 
to take up a collection. When the hat was re- 
turned he found in it pieces of slate pencils and 
nails and buttons, but not a single solitary cent 
(laughter)— not one -and his brother minister 
got up and looked at the contribution, and he 
said, "Let us thank God!" Laughter. And the 
owner of the hat said, "What for?" And tbt^ 
brother replied, ''Because you got your hat 
back." Roars of laughter and applause. If we 
trust the South we won't get our hat back. 
Laughter and cheers. 

HONEST MONEY AND AN HONEST 
NATION. 

I am next in favor of honest money. I am in 
favor of gold and silver, and paper with gold 
and silver behind it. Applause. I believe in 
silver, because it is one of the greatest of Ame- 
rican products, and I am in favor of anything 
that will add to the value of Americ m product. 
Applause. But I want a silver dollar worth a 
gold dollar, even if you make it. or have to 
make it four feet in diameter. Great Laughter. 
No Government can afford to be a clipper of 
coin. Applause. A great Republic can not 
afford to stamp a lie upon silver or gold. Great 
applause. Honest money, an honest people, an 
honest Nation. Renewed applause. When our 
money is only worth 80 cents on the dollar, we 
feel 5iO per cent below par. Great Laughter. 
When our money is good we feel good. When 
our money is at par that is where we are. Ap- 
plause and laughter. I am a profound believer 
in the doctrine that for nations as well as men, 
honesty is the best, always, everywhere and 
forever. Tremendous applause. 

What section of this country, what party will 
give us honest money— honor bright— honor 
bright? Laughter. I have been told that dur- 
ing the war we had plenty of money. I never 
saw it. I lived years without seeing a dollar. 
I saw promises for dollars, but not dollars. Ap- 
plause. And the greenback, unless you have 
the gold behind it, is no more a dollar than a 
bill of fare is a dinner. Great laughter. You 
cannot make a paper dollar without taking a 
dollar's worth of paper. We miist have paper 
that represents money. 1 want it issued by the 
Government, and 1 want behind every one of 
these daliars either a gold or silver dollar, s« 
that every greenback under the flag can lift up 
its hand and swear, "I know that my redeemer 
liveth." Great laughter. 

When we were running into debt, thousands 
of people mistook that for pro.^perity, and when 
we began paying ihey regarded it as adversity 
Laughter. Of course we had plenty when we 
bought on credit. No man has ever starved 
when his credit was good, if there were no fa- 
mine in that country. Laughter. As long as 
we buy on credit we shall have enough. The 
trouble commences when tlie pay-day arrives. 
Laughter. And I do not vWndei'that after the 
war thousands of people said, "let us have an- 
other inflation.'' What party said, "No, we 
must pay the promise made in war?" Great 
applause. Honor bright! The Democratic 
party had once been a hard money party, but it 
drifted from its metallic moorings and flvjated ofE 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



Sb the ocean of inflation, and you know it! 
Laughter. They said, "Give us more money," 
and every man tlint had bought on credit and 
owed a little something on wbat he had pur- 
chased, when the prnperty went down, he com- 
menced crying, or many of them did, for infla- 
tion. 1 understand it. A man, say, bouglit a 
piece of land for $6,000; paid $5,01)0 on it; gave 
a mortgage for $1,000, and suddenly in 1«73, 
found thai the land would not p;iy the other 
thoupand. The land had resumed. Much 
laughter. And then he said, looking luguliri- 
on-ly at his note and mortgage, "I want another 
inflation." And 1 never heard a man Call for it 
that did not also say, "If it ever comes, and I 
don't unload, you may shoot me.'' Great laugh- 
ter. 

It was very much as it is sometimes in playing 
poker, and 1 make this comparison knowing that 
hardly a person here will understand it. Great 
laughter. A voice — "Honor bright!" Renewed 
laughter. I have been told I lauguter) th:it along 
toward morning i laughter) the man that is ahead 
suddenly says, "I have got to go home. Great 
laughter. The fact is, my wife is not well." 
Great Laugiiter. And the fellow who is behind 
says, "Let us have another deal." Laughter. I 
have my opinion of a fellow that will jump the 

fame. And so it was in the hard times of 1873. 
'hey said: "Give us another deal; let us get 
our driftwood back into the centre of the 
stream." And they cried out for more money. 
But the republican party said: "We do want 
more money, but no more promises. We have 
got to pay this first, and if we start out ag lin 
upon that wide sea of promise we may never 
touch the shore." Applause. 

THE FALLACY AND FOLLY OF FIAT 
DOLLARS. 

A thousand theories were born of want; a 
thousand theories were born of the fertile brain 
©f trouble; and these people said after all: 
"What is money? why it is nothing but a 
measure of value, just the same as a half bushel 
or yardstick.'' True. And consequently it makes 
no difference whether your half bushel is of 
•wood, or gold, or silver or paper; and it makes 
no difference whether your yardstick is gold or 
paper. But the trouble about that statement is 
this: A half bushel is not a measure of value; 
it is a measure of quantit}', and it measures 
rubies, diamonds and pearls, i)reeisisely the same 
as corn and wheat. The 3'ardstick is not a 
measure of value; it is a measure of length, and 
it measures lace, worth $100 a yard, precisely as 
it does cent tape. Aiui another reason why it 
makes no difference to the purchaser whether 
the half bushel is gold or silver, or whether the 
yard-stick is gold or paper, you don't buy the 
yard-stick; you don't get the half hushel in the 
trade. And if it was so with money -if tlie 
people that had the money at the start of the 
trade, kept it after the consummation of the 
bargain — ilnsn it wouldn't make any difference 
■what you made your money of. But the trouble 
is the money changes hands. And let me say 
to-night, money is a thing-- it is a product of 
nature and you can no more make a "fiiit" 
dollar than yon can make a fiat star. I am in 



favor of honest money. Free speech is the 
brain of the Republic; an honest ballot is the 
breath of its life, and honest money is the blood 
that courses through its veins. I Applause.) 

If I am foitunate enough to leave a dollar 
when I die, I want it to be a good one; I don't 
wish to have it turn to allies in the hands of 
widowhood, or become a Democratic broken 
promise in the pocket of the orphan; I want it 
money. I saw not long ago a piece of gold 
.Clearing the stamp of the Roman Empire. 'Ihat 

^Empire is dust, and over it has been thrown 

1 the mantle of oblivion, hut that piece of gold is 
as good MS though Julius Caesar were stdl riding 
at the head of the Roman Legion. Applause. 
I want money that will outlive the Democratic 
parly. Tney told us — and they were honest 
about it— they said, ''when we have plenty of 
money, we are prosperous." And I said: "When 
we are prosperous, then we have credit, and, 
credit inflates the currency. Whenever a man 
buys a pound of sugar and says, "Ciiaige it," 
he inflates the currrency; whenever he gives his 
uole, he inflates the currency, whenever his 
word takes the place of money, he infl ites the 
currency. The consequence is that when we 
are prosperous, credit lakes the place of money, 
and we have what we call "plenty. ' But you 
cannot increase prosperity simply by using 
promises to pay. Suppose you should come to 
a river that was about dry, and there you would 
see the ferryboat, and the gentleman who kept 
the ferry, high on the sand, and the cracks all 
opening in the sun filled with loose oakum, 
looking like an average Democratic mouth 
listening to a Constituonal argument, and you 
should say to him:" "How is busine s?" App- 
lause and laughter. And he would say, "Dull." 
And then you would say to him, "i^ow, what 
vou want is more boat." He would probably 
answer, "If I had a little more water i could 
get along with this one." Laughter. 

But I want to be fair ; laughter), and I wish to- 
nio-ht to return my thanks to the Democratic 
pa'i-iy. Y' ou did a great and splendid work 
You went all over the United States and you said 
upon every slump that a greenback was better 
than gold. Y'ou said, "We have at last found 
the money of a poor man. Gold loves the rich;. 
gold haunts banks and safes and vaults; but we! 

/have got money that will go around inquiring 
for a man that is dead broke. Great Laughter. 

•'We have finally found mouey that will slay in a 
pockel with holes in it. Laughter. But after 
all, do you know that money is the most social.! 
thing in this world? Laughter. It a fellow has' 
got $1 in his pocket, and he meets another with 
two, do you know thai dollar is absolutely home- 
sick' until he gets where the other two are? 
Laughter. Autl yet the Greenbackers told u8' 
that they had finally invented mouey lluit would 
be Ihe poor man's friend. They said, "It is 
better than gold, better than silver," and they, 
got so many men to believe it llial when we 
resumed and said, "Here is your gold for your 
greenback," the fellows who had Uie greenback 
said, "We don't want it. The gieeuuacks arej 
good enough for "-is." Do you know, if theyi 
bad wanted it wc could not give tt to them?! 
Laughter. And so I return my thanks to thei 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



Greenback party. But allow me to say in this forehead of American labor the words "Finan- 

connection, the days of tlieir usefulness have cial Honor." Applause. 

passed forever. The Republican party struggled until erery 

Now, I am not foolish enough to claim that the paper prouiise was as good as gold. Applause. 

Republican party resumed. I am notsilly enough And the moment we got back to gold then we 

to say that John Sherman resumed. But I will commenced to rise again. We could not. jump 

tell you what I do say. I say that every man up until our feet touched something that they 

who raised a bushel of corn or a bushel of wheat be pressed against. And from that moment to 

or a pound of beef or pork helped to resume, this we have been going, going, going liigher 

Applause. I say that the gentle rain and loving and higher, more prosperous every hour. Ap- 

dew helped to resume. The soil of the United plause. And now they say, "Let us hare a 

States impregnated by the loving sun helped to change." Laughter. When 1 am sick I want a 

resume. The men tliat dug the coal and tlie change; when 1 am poor I want a change; and if 

Iron and the silver and the copper and the gold I were a Democrat I would have a personal 

helped to resume. And the men upon whose change. Laughter. We are prosperous to day, 

foreheads fell the light of furnaces helped to and must keep so. We are back to gold and 

resume. And the sailors who fought with the silver. Let us stay there; and let us stay with 

waves of the seas helped to resume. the party that brought us there. "Good," "good," 

I admit to night that the Democrats earned and applause, 
their share of the money to resume with. All I 



claim 4n God's world is that the Republican par- 
ty furnished tlie h'Onesty to pay it over. Great 
Applfiuse. That is what I claim; and theRepub- 
liacan party set the day, and the Republican 
party worked to the promise. That is what I 
say ' ' ' ^ '- " -^ ' '- 



A NATION NOT A CONFEDERACY. 



Now, I am not only in favor of free speech 
and an honest b.illot-hox and an honest collec- 
tion of the revenue of the United States and an 
__ And had It not been for the Republican honest money, but I am in favor of the idea of 
pjirty this nation would have been financially the great and splendid truth that this is a Nation , 
dishonored. Applause, I am for honest money, one and indivisible. Great Applause. I deny \ 
and I am for the payment of every dollar of our ^hat we are a confederacy bound together with ) 
debt, and so is every Democrat now, I take It. But i-^pes of cloud and chains of mist. This is a 
whatdidyousay a little while ago? Did^'ou say Nation, and every man in it owes his tirst alle- 
we could resume? No; you swore we could not, „iance to the grand old flag for which more 
and you swore our bonds would be worthless ^^^^q blood was shed than for any other flag 
as the withered leaves of winter. And now, that waves in the sight of heaven. Great Ap- 
when a Democrat goes to England and sees an piause 

American four per cent quoted at 110 he kind of The Southern people say this is a confederacy 

and they are honest in it. They fought for it, 
they believed it. They believe in the doctrine 
of State Sovereignty, and many Democrats of 
the North believe in the same doctrine. No 
less a man than Horatio Seymour — standing, it 



American four per cent quot 
swells up (laughter), and he says: "That's the 
kind of a man 1 am." Great lauahter. In that 
country he pretends he was a Republican in this. 
And I don't blame him. Audi don't begrudge 
him enjoying respectability when away from 
home. Lauguter. The Republican party is en 



titled to t-he credit for keeping this" Nation may be at the head of Democratic statesinen- 
grandiy and splendidly honest^ Applause. I ''Jl^' ^V'' H''^^''^«f cfn^thf''. n,^^ 
fay, the Republican party is entitled to the ?^'r ^Y\ h ^^f^'^f ^^^ T L° ifir;t 
^'- " preserving the honor of this Nation. ^ ^less that word. Applause. I owe my first 



credit of preserving 
Applause. 

THE STRUGGLE AFTER THE PANIC 



allegiance to that Nation, and it owes its first 
protection to me. Great Applause. I am talk- 
ing here to night, not because I am protected 
by the flag of New York. I would not know 
In 1873 came the crash, and all the languages that flag if I should see it. Laughter. I am 
of the world cannot tlescribe the agonies suffered talking here and have the right to talk here be- 
by the American people from 1878 to 1879. A cause the flag of my country is above us. Ap- 
man who thought he was a millionaire came to plause. I have the same right as though I had 
poverty; he found his stocks and bonds ashes been born upon this very platform. I am proud 
in the paralytic hand of old age. Men who ex- of New York because it is a part of my country, 
pected to have lived all their lives in the sun- I am proud of my country because it has got 
shine of joy found themselves beggars and pau- such a State as New York in it (»reat applause), 
pers. The great factories were closed, the aud I will be prouder of Newliork on a week 
workmen were demoralized, and the roads of from next Tuesday, than ever before in my life, 
the United States were tilled with tramps. In Great cheering. 1 despise the doctrine of State \ 
the hovel of the poor and the palace of the rich Sovereignty. I believe in the rights of the \ 
came the serpent of temptation and whispered States, but not in the sovereignty of the States. \ 
in the American ear the terrible word "Repudia- States are political conveniences. Rising above l 
tion." But the Republican party said, "No; we States as the Alps above valleys are the rights « 
will pay every dollar. Applause. No; we have of man. Rising above the rights of the Govern- ; 
Btarted toward the shining goal of resumption ment even in this Nation are the'sublime rights 
and we never will turn back." Applause. And of the people. Loud applause. Govv^rnments 
the Republican party struggled uutil it had the are good only so long as they protect human 
happiness of seeing upon the broad shining rights. But the rights of a man never should 



8 Free Speech and an Sanest Ballot. 

be sacrificed upon the a7tar of the State or upon now it has no right to cross those lines upon 
the altar of the Nation. Applause. errand of mercy_or justice. "We are told tl 

STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND HUMAN 



SOVEREIGNTY AND 
SLAVERY. 



I wish they would try it (applauj 



jen until the year 1808. The ^aus»'«i- i wisu luey «ouunry mappiai 
o make the sea the highway of for about ten days. Great laughter. They 
t then was to allow American '^^^ Federal Government can defend a citizei 



now, when tiie Federal Government wishes 
protect a citizen a State line rises like a Chint 
wall, and the sword of Federal power turns 
Let me tell you a few objections that I have ^'^ ^^^ moment it touches one of those lines, 
got to State Sovereignty. That doctrine has a«^ny.it and I despise, abhor and execrate t 
never been appealed to for any good. The first «<'Ctime of State Sovereignty. Applause. T 
time it was appealed was when our Coustitut ion Democrats tell us it we wish to be protected ^ 
was made. And the object then was to keep |"^ Federal Government we must leave hon 
the slave trade open until the year 1808. '^^'" Laughter 
object then was t 

piracy — the object .. „„ .„ ....^„ ^^,,^^,.^c,^ -n. -o o /^ 

citizens to go into the business of selling men England, France Spain or Germany, but cam 
and women and children, and feed their cargo defend a child of the Republic sittmgaround t 
to the sharks of the sea, and the sharks of the ^'<^^^h hearth. I deny it. A Government tl 
sea were as merciful as they. That was the cannot protect its citizen at home is uufit to 
first time that the appeal to the doctrine of ^'^'If^ ^ Government. Applause 
State Sovereignty was made, and the next time 
was for the purpose of keeping alive the inter- 
state of slave trade, so that a gentleman in 
Virginia could sell his slave to the rice and 
cotton plantations of the South. Think of it! 

It was made so they could rob the cradle in the ,. . . ,- . ,,-,,,.. 

name of law. Think of it! Tliink of it' And ^'^'°S »n a Palace of marble and gold. Applau« 
the next time they appealed to the doctrine of Humanity is a sacred thing, and manhood is 
State Sovereignty wiis in favor of the fugitive ^^^^^ ^^ ^^ preserved. Let us look at it. F 
Slave law— a law that made a bloodhound of ^stance, here is a war, and the Federal Gover 
every Northern man; that made charity a crime ^^"t ^^^^ ^^ * ^''°' "^*^ want you," and 
A law that made love a Slate prison offence- ^^y^' "^^ ^ ^^^'^ want to go," and then th. 
that branded the forehead of chaiitv as if it P"'' * ^'^^ '^^ pieces of paper in a wheel and ( 
were a felon. Think of it! A law that if a one of those pieces is his name and another mi 
woman ninety-nine one-hundreths white' had ^"^"°^ ^^^ crank, and then they pull it out ai 
escaped from slavery, had traversed forests ^''^'"^ ^'^ ^"^ name, and they say, "Come," and 
had been torn bv briars, had crossed rivers had ^^ Soes. Laughter. And they stand him 
travelled at night and in darkness and had ^^'^'^^ "^ ^^^ brazen-thioated guns; they mal 
finally got within one step of free soil with the ^'"^ ^S^t for his native land, and when the w 
whole light of the North star shining in her tear- ^^ ^^^^ ^® Soes home and he tinds the war h, 
filled eyes, with her little babe on her withered ^^^^ unpopular in his neighborhood, and tin 
bosom— a law that declared in the duty of tramp upon his rights, and he says to ti 
Northern men to clutch that woman and turn Federal Government, "Protect me." And J 
her back to the domination of the hound and says to that Government, "I owe my allegiam 
lash. Tremendous applause. I have no respect ^o you. You must protect me." What will yc 
for any man living or d ' ' "* 



I want 

Government with an arm long enough and 
sword sharp enough to cut down treason whe: 
ever it may raise its serpent head. Applauc 
1 want a Government that will protect a free 
man, standing by his little log hut, with t 
same efficiency that it would protect Vanderb 



law. I have no respect for any 



ead who voted for that ^^y of that Government if it says to hira, "^ 
or any man who would "'"st look to your State for protection.'' " 



carry it out. I never had. ' but," he says, "my State is the very pow* 

The next lime they appealed to the doctrine trampling upon me," and, of course, the robb< 
of State Sovereignty was to increase the area ^^ "ot going to send for the police. Applaus 
of human slavery, so that the bloodhound with ^t is the duly of the Government to defend ev{ 
clots of blood dropping from his loose and ^ts drafted men; and if that is the duty of tl 
hanging jaws, might traverse the billowy plains tfovernment, what snail 1 say of the vuiuntee 
of Kansas, Think of it! The Democratic party who for one moment holds his wife in a tremi 
then said the Federal Government had ari"ht to ^^'^^ ^"^^ agonized embrace, kisses his childrei 
cross the State line. And the next time* they shoulders his musket, goes to the field, and say 
appealed to that infamous doctrine was in de- "Here I am, ready to die for my native laudi 
fence of secession and treason; a doctrine that ^^ voice "Good. " A nation that will not defen 
cost us six thousand millions of dollars; a doc- ^ts volunteer defenders is a disgrace to the ma 
trine that cost four hundred thousand lives; a of this world. A flag that will not protect t 
doctiine that filled our country with widows protectors is a dirty rag that coniaminates th 
our homes with orphans. And 1 tell you the air in wjiich it waves. Applause. '' '"" ■" 



This is 



doctrine of State Sovereignty is the vipe'r in the 
bosom of this Republic, and if we do not kill 
this viper it will kill us. (Long continued app- 
lause.) 

The Democrats tell us that in the olden time 
the Feaoral Government had a riglit to cross a 
State line to put shackles upon iJie limbs of 
men. It had a righi to cross a State line to 



Nation. Free speech is the brain of ihe Republit 
an honest ballot is the breath of its life; Uones 
money is the blood of its veins; and the idea ( 
nationality is its great beating, throbbing hear 
Applause. 1 am for a nation. And ^et th| 
Democrats tell me that it is dangerous to hav 
centralized power. How would you have it? 
believe in the loca!izaliou of power; 1 believe i 



trample upon the rights of huiuau beings, but liaviug enough of it localized in one place to I 



Free Speech and an Honest Balloi. 



effectively used; I believe in a localization of 
bruin. I suppose Democrats would like to have 
it spread all over your body (applause and 
laughter), and they act as though there was. 

PROTECTING AMERICAN LABOR. 

There is another thing in which I believe; I 
believe in the protection of American labor. 
The hand that holds Aladdin's lamp must be the 
band of toil. This Nation rests upon the shoul- 
ders of its workers, and I want the American 
laboring man to have enough to wear; I want 
him to have enough to eat; I want him to have 
something for the ordinary misfortunes of life; 
I want him to have the pleasure of seeing his 
wife well dressed; I want him to see a few blue 
jribbons fluttering about his children; I want, 
him to see the nags of health flying in their 
beautiful cheeks; 1 want him to feel that this is 
his country, and the shield of protection is above 
bis labor. Applause. 

And I will tell you why I am for protection, 

too. If we were all farmers we would be stupid. 

If we were all shoemakers we would be stupid. 

If we all followed one business, no matter what 

it was, we would become stupid. Protection to 

A.merican labor diversifies American industry, 

1 Bnd to have it diversified touches and developes 

1 every part of the human brain. Protection pro- 

e iects integrity ; it protects intelligence; and 

jrotection raises sense ; and by protection we 

43ave greater men and better looking women 

md healthier children. Applause. Free Trade 

neans that our laborer is upon an equality with 

he poorest paid labor of this world. And allow 

1^ ae to tell you that for an empty stomach, 

'Hurrah for Hancock" is a poor consolation. 

4 daughter. I do not think much of a Govern- 

lent where the people do not have enougli to 

at. Applause. I am a materialist to that ex 

;nt ; 1 want something to eat. I have been 

I countries where the laboring man had meat 

ice a year ; sometimes twice — Christmas and 

:er. And I have seen women carrying upon 

A heir heads a burden that no man in the audience 

)irei ;ould carry, and at the same time knitting busily 

)be yith both hands, and those wome " ' "' 

USf' 

ive 



women lived without 
oeat; and when I thought of the American 
aborer, 1 said to m> self, "After all, my country 
s the best in the world." Applause. And 
?hen 1 came back to the sea and saw the old 
i;uiii|:iag flying in the air it seemed to me as though 
he air from pure joy had burst into blossom, 
ipplause. 

Labor has more to eat and more to wear in 
Mil tie United States than in any other land of this 
mailarth. Applause. I want America to produce 
, 111 very thing that Americans need. I want it so 
;tlii "the whole world should declare war against 
iii 8, so if we were surrounded by walls of cannons 
;;« ud bayonets and swords, we could supply all 
ijsf ur human w ants in and of ourselves. Applause, 
want to live to see the American woman 
ressed in American silk ; the American man 
I everything from hat to boots produced in 
iT^merica (applause j, by the cunning hand of the 
merican toil. 1 want to see workingmen have 
good house, painted white, grass in the front 
ird, carpets on its floor, pictures on the wall. 



eWbC 



Applause. I want to see him a man feeling 
that he is a king by the divine right of living in 
the Republic. Applause. And every man here 
is just a little bit a king, you know. Every man 
here is a part of the sovereign power. Every 
man wears a little of purple : every man has a 
little of crown and a little of sceptre ; and every 
man that will sell his vote for money or be ruled 
by prejudice is unfit to be an American citizen. 
Applause, 

I believe in American labor, and I tell yon 
why. The other day a man told me that we had 
produced in the United States of America one 
million tons of rails. How much are they 
worth ? Sixty dollars a ton. In other words, 
the million tons are worth $60,000,000. How 
much is a ton of iron worth in the ground ? 
Twenty-five cents. American labor takes 25 
'• cents of iron in the ground and adds to it $59.75. 
Applause. One million tons of rails, and the 
raw material not worth $24,000. We build a 
ship in the United States worth $500,000, and 
the value of the ore in the earth, of the trees in 
the great forest, of all that enters into the com- 
position of that ship bringing $500,000 in gold 
is only $20,000 ; $480,000 by American labor, 
American muscle, coined into gold ; American 
brains made a legal-tender the world around. 
Applause. 

SOURCE OF THE FREE TRADE DOCTRINE- 

I propose to stand by the Nation, I want the 
the fnrnaces kept hot. I want the sky to be 
filled with the smoke of American industry, and 
upon that cloud of smoke will rest forever the 
bow of perpetual promise. "Good," "good"; 
great cheers. That is what I am for. A voice 
—"So are we all." Yes, sir. Laughter. 
Where did this doctrine of a tariff for revenue 
only come from? From the South. The South 
would like to stab the prosperity of the North. 
They had rather trade with Old England than 
with New England. They had rather trade 
with the people who were willing to help them 
in war than those who conquered the rebellion. 
Great cheers. They knew what gave us our 
strength in war. They knew that all the brooks 
and creeks and rivers of New-England were put- 
ting down the rebellion. They knew that eve- 
ry wheel that turned, every spindle that revol- 
ved, was a soldier in the army of human pro- 
gress. It won't do. Great applause. They 
were so lured by the greed of office that they 
were willing to trade upon the misfortunes of 
a Nation. It won't do. I don't wish to belong 
to a party that succeeds only when my country 
falls. I don't wish to belong to a party whose 
banner went up with the banner of rebellion, 
I don't wish to belong to a party that was in 
partnership with defeat and disaster. Idon t. 
Applause. And there isn't a Democrat here but 
what knows that a failure of the crops this 
year would have helped his party. Applause. 
You know that an early frost would have been 
a godsend to them. Applause. You know that 
the potato-bug could have done them more 
o-ood than all their speakers. Great applause. 

I wish to belong to that party which is pros- 
perous when the country is prosperous, I be- 



10 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



CANDIDATES OF THE TWO PARTIES. 



long to that party which is not poor when the were Democrats. You know it. The men who 
golden billows are running over the seas of wept when slavery was destroyed, who believed 
wheat. I belong to that party that is prospe- slavery to be a Divine institution, who regarded 
roiis when there are oceans of corn, and wlien bloodhounds as apostles and missionaries, and 
the cattle are upon the thousand hills. I belong wlio wept at the funeral of that infernal institu- 
to that party which is prosperous wlien the tiou— tliey were Democrats. Bad company — 
furnaces are aflame; and when you dig coal badcompany! Laughter and applause, 
and iron and silver; when everybody has enough And let me implore all the young men here 
to eat; when everybody is happy; when the not to join that party. Do not give new blood 
children are all going to school ( applause); and to that institution. The Democratic party has 
when joy covers my nation as with a garment, a yellow passport. On one side it says "clange- 
Applause. That party which is prosperous, rous." They imagine they have not changed, 
then, that is my party. and that is because they have not intellectual 

Now, then, 1 have been telling ynu what I am growth. That party was once tiie enemy of my 
for, I am for free speech, and so ouglit you to country, was once the enemy of our flag, and 
be. I am for an honest ballot, and if you are more than tbat it was once the enemy of human 
not you ought to be. I am for the collection liberty, and that party to-night is not willing 
of revenue. 1 am for honest money. lam for that the citizens of the Republic should exer- 
the idea that this is a nation forever. Great cise all their rights irrespective of their color, 
applause. I believe in protecting American And allow me to say right here that I am oppo- 
labor. Great Applause. I want the shield of sed to that party. Loud applause, 
my country above every anvil, above everj' fur- 
nace, above every cunning head and above eve- 
ry deft of American labor. Applause. 

Now, then, what section of this country will We have not only to choose between parties, 
be the more apt to carry these ideas intoexecu- but to choose between candidates. The Dem- 
tion? What party will be the more apt to ocracy have put forward as the bearers of their 
achieve these grand and splendid things? Honor standard General Hancock and William H. 
bright? Laughter. Now we have not only to English. Hisses. No, no, no. They will soon 
to choose between sections of the country; we be beyond hissing. Roars ot laughter. But let 
have to choose between parties. Here is the us treat them respectfully. When I am by the 
Democratic party; and I admit that there are side of the dying, I never throw up their crimes, 
thousandsot good Democrats who went to the I feel to night as though standing by the open 
war, and some of those that stayed at home grave of the Democratic party (great laughter), 
were good men; and I want to ask you, and I and allow me to say, that I feel as well as could 
want you to tell me in reply what that party did be expected. Much laughter, 
during the war when the War Democrats were That party has nominated General WinfieldS.. 
away from home. What did they do-? That is Hancock, and I am told that he isagoodsol- 
the question. 1 say to you that every man who dier. I admit it. I don't know whether he is or 
tried to tread our flag out of heaven was a De- not. I admit it. Laughter. That was his 
mocrat. Applause. The men who wrote the reputation before he was nominated, and I ana 
ordinances of secession, who fired upon Fort willing to let him have the advantage of all he 
Sumter; the men who starved our soldiers, who had before he was nominated. He had a con- 
fed them with the crumbs that the worms had versation with General Grant. Great applause, 
devoured before, they were Democrats. The It was a time when he had been appointed at 
keepers of Libby, the keepers of Andersonville the head of the Department of the Gulf. In that 
were Democrats; Libby and Anderonville, the conversation he stated to General Grant that he 
two mighty wings that will bear the memory of was opposed to "nigger domination." Grant 
the confederacy to eternal infamy. And when said to him, " We must obey the laws of Cong- 
some poor, emaciated Union patriot, driven to ress. Applause. We are soldiers." And that 
insanity by famine, saw in an insane dream the meant, the military is not above the civil 
face ot his mother, and she beckoned him and authority. Applause. And I tell you to-night, 
he followed hoping to press her lips once again that the army and the navy are the right and 
against his fevered face and when he stepped the left hands of the civil power. Applause, 
one step beyond the dead line the wretch tha^ Grant said to him : "Three or four million ex- 
put the bullet through his loving, throbbing slaves, without property and without education, 
heart was a Democrat. Great applause. The cannot dominate over thirty or forty millions of 
men who wished to scatter yellow fever in the while people, with education and with proper 
North and who tried to fire the great cities of ty. ' General Hancock replied to thai : "lam 
the North knowing that the serpents of flame opposed to " nigger domination.' " Allow me 
would devour the women and babes— they were to say that I do not believe any man fit for the 
all Democrats Applause. He who said that Presidency of the great Republic, who is cap- 
Ihe greenback never would be paid and he who able of insulting a downtrodden race. Greal 
Blandercd 60 cents out of every dollar of the applause. 1 never meet a negro that I do nol 
Natiot's promises were Democrats. Who were feel like asking his forgiveness for the wrongs 
joyful when your brothers and your sons and that my race has inflicled on his. Applause. I 
fathers lay dead on the field of battle that the remember that from the white man he received 
country has lost? They were Democrats. The for 200 years agony and tears ; 1 remember tha 
men who wept when the old flag floated in my race sold a child from the agonized breas 
triumph above the ramparts of Rebellion— they of a mother ; 1 remember that my race trampie< 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



11 



with the feet of p:reed upon all the holy rela- tween that vast appetite known as the Demo- 
tions of life ; and I do not feel like insulting the cratic party, and the public treasury Ivvill throw 



colored man ; I feel rather like asking tlie for- 
giveness of his race for the crimes that my race 
have put upon him. "Ni^rger domination." 
What a tine scabbard that makes for the sword 
of Gettysburg. It won't do. Laughter. 
What is General Hancock for, besides the 



the shield of my veto?' Applause. No man has 
a right to say in advance wliat he will veto, 
any more than a judge has a right to say in 
advance how he will decide a case. Applause. 
The velo-power is a distinction with which the 
Constitution has clothed the Executive, and no 



Presidency ? Laughter. How does he stand President has a right to s ly that he will veto 

upon the great questions i.ffecting American until he has heard both sides of the question, 

prosperity ? [Cries of "Give it up," "Give us Applause. But he agrees in advance, Laughter, 

an easier one." Liiughter.] He told us the I would rather trust a party than a man. 

other day that the tariff is a local question. The Death may vote Hancock, and de;ith has not 

tariff ettects every man and woman that has a been a successful politician in the United Sta- 

back to be covered or a stomach to be filled, and ■"— ^ '''^— '^-'-- ^''=" a..j.. t„u_ 

yet he says it is a local question. Laughter. So 



IS death. Laughter. He also told us that 
he heard that question discussed once in Penn- 
sylvania. Great laughter. He must have been 
"eavesdropping." Great laughter. And he tells 



tes. Laughter. Tyler, Fillmore, Andy John- 
son, (laughter)— I don't wish Deatli to elect 
any more Presidents; and if he does, and if 
Hancock is elected, William H. English beco- 
mes President of the United States. (Hisses 
No, no, no!) All I need to say about him is 



us that his doctrine of the tariff will continue as simply to pronounce his name (laughter I; that 
long as Nature lasts. Laughter. Then Senator is all. You don't want him. Whether the ma- 
Randolph wrote him a letter. I don't know ny stories that have been told about him are 
whether Senator Randolph answered it or not true or not I don't know, and I will not give 
(laughter;; but that answer was worse than the currency to a solitary word against the re- 
first interview; and I understand now that pution of an American citizen unless I know it 
another letter is going through a period of in- to be true. Applause and cries of "Good" What 
cubation at Governor's Island, upon the great I have got against him is, what he has done in 
subject of tariff. It won't do. Applause and public life. When Charles Sumner ( loud ap- 
laughter. plause), that great and splendid publicist— 
Tney say one thing they are sure of, he is op- Charles Sumner, the great philanthropist, one 
posed to paying Southern pensions and Southern who spoke to the conscience of the time 
claims. He says that a man that fought against and to the history of the future, 
this Government has no right to a pension. — when he stood up in the United States Senate 
Good! I say a man that fought against this and made a great and glorious plea for human 



Government has no right to office. Loud and 
prolonged applause, if a man cannot earn a 
pension by tearing our flag out of the sky, he 
cannot earn power. A voice— "How about 



liberty, there crept into the Senate a villain 
and struck him down as though he had been a 
wild beast. That man was a member of Con- 
gress, and when a resolution was introduced in 



Longstreet?' — Longstreet has repented of what the House to expel that man William H. Eng- 
he did. Longstreet admits that he was wrong, lish voted No. [Hisses.] All the stories in the 
And there was no braver officer in the Southern world could not add to the infamy of that public 
Confederacy. — Applause. — Every man of the act. Applause. That is enough for me, and 
South who will say, "I made a mistake" — I don't whatever his private life may be, let it be that 
want him to say that he knew he was wrong — of an angel, never, never, never will 
all I ask him to say is that he now thinks he I vote for a man that would defend the aa- 
was wrong, and every man of the South to-day sassin of free speech. Applause General Han- 
who says he was wrong, and who says from cock, they tell me, is a statesman (laughter); that 
this day forward, henceforth and forever, he is what little time he has to spare from war he has 
for this being a nation, I will take him by the given to the tariff' (laughter), and what little time 
hand. Renewed applause. But while he is at- he could spare from the tariff he has given to the 
tempting to do at the ballot-box what he failed Constitution of his country; showing under what 
to accomplish upon the fiel'd of battle, I am circumstances a Major-General can put at defi- 
against him; while he uses a Northern General ance the Congress of the United States. It won't 
to bait a Southern trap, I won't bite. I will do. 

forgive men when they deserve to be forgiven; But while lam upon that subject it may be 
but while they insist that they were right, while well for me to state that he never will be Presi- 
they insist that State Sovereignty is the proper dent of the United States. (Loud applause.) 
doctrine, I am opposed to tneir climbing into Now, I say that a man who, in time of peace 



prefers peace, and prefers the avoc;itions of 
peace; a man who, in the time of peace would 
rather look at the corn in the air of June, rather 
listen to the hum of bees, rather sit by his door 



power. 

Hancock says that he will not pay these 
claims; he agrees to veto a bill that his party 
may pass; he agrees in advance that he will de- 
feat a party that he expects will elect him; he in with his wife and children; the man who, in 
effect, says to the people, "You can't trust time of peace loves peace, and yet when the 
that party, but you can trust me." He says, blast of war flows in his ears shoulders the mus- 
" Look at them; 1 admit they are a hungry lot; ket and goes to the field of war to defend his 
I admit that they haven't had a bite in twenty country, and when the war is over goes home 
years; I admit that an ordinary famine is satiety and again pursues the avocation of peace— that 
compared to the hunger they feel." But be- man is just as good, to say the least of ixim, as a 



13 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



man who in a time of profound peace makes up Laughter and applause. And it doesn't hurt 
his mind that he would like to make his living us, iinyway. Renewed laughter. 



killing other folks. 
as good. 



To say the least of it, he is 



I never was more profoundly happy than on 
the night of that 13th day of October when I 
found that between an honest and a kingly man 
and his maligners, two great States had thrown 
their shining shields. Great Applause. When 
Ohio said, "Garfield is my greatest son, and 
there never has beeh raised in the cabins of 
Ohio a grander man " (tremendous and prolong- 
ed applause and cheers); and when Indiana 
(loud cheers) — and when Indiana held up her 
hands and said, "Allow me to endorse that 
verdict," I was profoundly happy, because that 



THE REPUBLICAN STANDARD BEARERS. 

The Republicans have named as their standard- 
bearers James A. Garfield (tremendous cheers, 
again and aarain renewed, the men standing up, 
waving tbcir hats nnd the ladies their handker- 
chiefs) — James A. Garfield (cheers) and Chester 
A. Arthur (great cheers and applause). James 
A. Garfield was a volunteer soldier, and he took 

away from the field of Chickamauga as much said to me, "Garfield wilfcarrV every Northern 

glory as any man could carry. (Great applause.) State ,'' that said to me, " The Solid South will 

He is not a soldier— he is a statesman, f Ap- be confronted by a great and splendid North." 

plause.) He has studied and discussed all the Cheers. 

great questions that affect the prosperity and I know Garfield — I like him. Laughter and 
well-being of the American people. His opinions cheers. Some people have said, "How is it that 
are well known, and I say to you to-night that you support Garfield, when he was a minister ?" 
there is not in this Nation, there is not in this Laughter. " How is it that you support Gar- 
Republic a man with greater brain and greater field, when he is a Christian ?" I will tell you. 
heart than James A.Garfield. (Great cheers.) There are two reasons. The first is, I am not a 
I know him and like him. (Applause.) I know beggar ; and secondly, James A. Garfield is not 
him as well as any other public man, and T like a beggar He believes in giving to every other 
him. The Democratic party say thnt he is not human being every right he claims for himself, 
honest. I have been reading some Democratic He believes in an absolute divorce between 
papers to-day, and you would say that every Church and State. He believes that every reli- 
one of their editors had a private sewer of his gion should rest upon its morality, upon its 
own (laughter) into which had been emptied for reason, upon its persuasion, upon its goodness, 
a hundred years the slop=< of hell. Laughter upon its charity, and that love should never ap- 
and applause.) They tell me that James A. peal to the sword of civil power. He disagrees 
Garfield is not honest. Are you a Democrat? with me in many things ; but in the one thing, 
Your party tried to steal nearly half this coun- tbat the air is free for all, we do agree. I want 
try. Applause. Your party stole the armament to do equal and exact justice everywhere. I 
of a nation. Your party was willing to live want the world of thought to be without a 
upon the unpaid labor of four millions of people, chain, without a wall. James A. Garfield, be- 
You have no right to the floor for the purpose of lieving with me as he does, disagreeing with me 
making a motion of honesty. Applause. Sit as he does, is perfectly satisfactory to me. I 
down. Laughter and applause. James A. Gar- know him, and 1 like him. 



field has been at the head of the most important 
committees of Congress; he is a member of the 
most important one of the whole House. He has 
no peer in the Congress of the United States. 



Men are to-day blackening his reputation, who 
are not fit to blacken his shoes. Applause. He 
is a man of brain. Since his nomination he 
must have made forty or fifty speeches, and 



Applause. And you know it. He is the leader every one has been full of manhood and genius 
of the House. With one wave of his hand he He has not said a word that has not strength- 
can take millions from the pocket of one in- ened him with the American people. He is the 
dustry and put it into the pocket of another;— fi''St candidate who has been free to express 
with amotion of his hand he could have made himself and who has never made a mistake, 
himself a man of wealth, but he is to-night a poor Great applause. I will tell you why he don't 
man. Applause. Butheisrich inhonor(applause), make a mistake ; because he spoke from the 
in integrity he is wealthy (applause), and in inside out. Applause. Because he was guided 
brain he is millionaire. Great applause. I know by the glittering Northern star of principle. Lie 
him and I like him. Cheers. He is as genial as after lie has been told about him. Slander after 
May and he is as generous as Autumn. Ap- slander has been hatched and put in the air, 
plause. And the men for whom he has done '^ith its little short wiugs, to fly its dirty day, 
unnumbered favors, the men whom be had pity and the last lie is a forgery. Great applause, 
enough not to destroy with an argument, the men I ^aw to-day the facsimile of a letter that they 
who, witii his great generosity, he has allowed pretend he wrote upon the Chinese question. I 
intellectualty, to live, are now throwinir filth at know his writing; I know his signature ; I 
the reputation of that great and sfilendid man. am well acquainted with his writing, I know 
(Cheers.) ' handwriting, and I tell you to-night that letter 

Several ladies and gentlemen were pa=sing a *"d ^^at signature are forgeries. Long and 
muddy plare around which were gathered ragg- toutinued applause. A forgery for the benefit 
ed and wretched urchins. And these littfe of the Pacific States ; a forgery fur the puipos 
wretches began to throw mud at them; and one ^^ convincing the American workingman th 
gentleman said, " If you don't stop I will throw tfaifield is without heart. I tell you, my fello 
jt back at you." And a little fellow said, "You ^it^ize.ns, that cannot take from him a vote. A 
ean't do it without dirtying your hands." plause. But Ohio pierced their centre and In 



Free Speech and an Honest Ballot. 



ana rolled up both flanks and the rebel line can- 
not reform with a forgery for a standard. Ap- 
plause. They are ?one. Laughter. 

NOT PREACHING A GOSPEL OF HATE. 

Now some people say to me, "How long are 
you going to preach the doctrine of hate? I 
never did preach it. In many States of this 
Union it is a crime to be a Republican. I am 
going to preach my doctrine until every Amer- 
ican citizen is permitted to express his opinion 
and vote as he may desire in every State of the 
Union. Applause. I am going to preach my 
doctrine until this is a civilized country. That 
is all. I will treat the gentlemen of the South 

frecisely as we do the gentlemen of the North, 
want to treat every section of the country 
precisely as we do ours. I want to improve their 
rivers and their harbors ; I want to fill their 
land with commerce ; I want them to prosper ; 
I want them to build school-houses; I want 
them to open the lands to immigration to all 
people who desire to settle upon their soil. I 
want to be friends with them; I want to let the 

East be buried forever ; I want to let bygones be 
ygones, but only upon the basis that we are 
no\v in favor of absolute liberty and etern- 
al justice. Great applause. I am not will- 
ing to bur}' nationality or free speech in the 
grave for the purpose of being frieuds. Let us 
stand by our colors; let the old Republcan party 



IS 

that has made this a Nation— the old Republican 
party that has saved the financial honor of this 
parly— let that party stand by its color. 

Let that party say, "Free speech forever!" 
Let that party say, "An honest ballot forever." 
Let that party say, "Honest money forever; the 
Nation and the flag forever." And let that party 
stand by the great men carrying her banner. 
James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur. Ap- 

filause. I had rather trust a party than a man. 
f General Garfied dies, the Republican party 
lives; If General Garfield dies, General Arthur 
will take his place— a brave, and honest and in- 
telligent gentleman, upon whom every Republi- 
can can rely. Applause. And if he dies, the 
Republican party lives, and as long as the Re- 
publican party does not die, the great Republic 
will live. As long as the Republican party lives 
this will be the asylum of the world. Let me 
tell you, Mr. Irishman, this is the only country 
on the earth where Irishmen have had enough 
to eat. Let me tell you, Mr. German, that 
you have more liberty here than you had in the 
Fatherland. Let me tell you, all men, that this 
is the land of humanity. 

Oh I I love the old Republic, bound by the 
seas, walled by the wide air, domed by heaven's 
blue, and lit with the eternal stars. I love the 
Republic; I love it because I love liberty. Lib- 
erty is my religion, and at its altar I worship 
and will worship. Long-continued applause. | 



The Full and Complete Editions of the LECTURES of 
COL. R. G. INGERSOLL. 



No. 


1. 


No. 


2. 


No. 


3. 


No. 


4. 


No. 


6. 


No. 


6. 


No. 


7. 


No. 


8. 


No. 


9. 


No. 


10. 


No. 


11. 


No. 


12. 


No. 


13. 


No. 


14. 


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15. 


No. 


IG. 



MISTAKES OF MOSES. 

SKULLS. 

GHOSTS. 

HELL. ^ 

LIHEKTY OP MAN. WOMAN AND 

CHILD. 
GODS. „„„ 

INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT 
HUMAN RIGHTS, 
HEREAFTER. 

RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE. 
HERETICS AND HERESIES. 
Col. INGERSOLIi'S VINDICATION 

OF THOMAS PAINE. 
PLEA FOR INDIVIDUALITY AND 
ARRAIGNMENT Ol'' THE CHURCH. 
THE RELIGION OF OUR DAY. 
PERSONAL DEISM DENIED. 
THE PHILOSOPHER OP REASON 

— HUMBOLDT. 



No. 17. THE DECLARATION OF INDE- 
PENDENCE. 

No. 18. NOMINATING BLAINE FOR PRES- 
IDENT AT CINCINNATL 

No. 19. LIFE and DEEDS OF THOS. PAINE 

No. 20. FARMING. 

No. 21. SPEECH AT THE SOLDIERS' RE- 
UNION AT INDIANAPOLIS 1876. 

No. 22. WHAT SHALL WE DO TO BE 
SAVED. 

No. 23. PAST AND PRESENT GODS, HOW 
GODS GROW. 

No. 24. THE CHINESE GOD. (IngersoU'S 
Views on the Chinese Question), 
and INGEKSOLI/S BRAIN PHRB 
NOLOGICALLY CONSIDERED. 

MODERN THINKERS. 



No. 



No. 25. 

No. 26, GREAT REPUBLICAN SPEECH IN MAINE, September 10, 1880. 
27 WHAT MUST WE DO IN ORDER TO BE SAVED, held at MoVicker's Theater. 
Chicago, September 19, 1880. 
WOMAN'S FREEDOM " Mankind will never be free until Woman is free." 



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A Lecture by the Rev. JAS. K. APPLEBEE. 

"LYING MADE EASY." A reply to Col. R. G. Ingeisoll. By Rabbi H. Bien. 
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with Portrait of Gen. Washington and Gen. Grant. 
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